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March 6 - The new Confederate Congress authorizes the use of 100,000 volunteer soldiers for twelve months.
Confederate States Capitol (1865)
The Civil War Gazette Civil War Timeline is a linear, chronological look at the important events related to the American Civil War, fought between April 1861 and April 1865. The timeline includes major battles and skirmishes, significant political events impacting the war, deaths of major military figures, as well as details of important battles including casualty numbers.
March 4 - Abraham Lincoln is inaugurated.
The Civil War Gazette Civil War Timeline is a linear, chronological look at the important events related to the American Civil War, fought between April 1861 and April 1865. The timeline includes major battles and skirmishes, significant political events impacting the war, deaths of major military figures, as well as details of important battles including casualty numbers.
“Faith in God became the single greatest institution in the maintenance of morale in the armies. To the devout soldier, religion was the connecting link between camp life and home. As he prayed and sang hymns of praise, his thoughts could not help but wander to his home church wherein he felt a mother, a father, a wife, or a child might be united with him in asking for his speedy return.”
Cited in Soldiers Blue and Gray, Robertson: p. 172
Parades and reviews offered units a formal opportunity to display their abilities, and they usually engendered patriotism and pride. A sergeant in the 105th Illinois wrote his sister of a recent parade.
“It was a fine sight to see them all dressed in clean uniforms and bright arms marching to the music of four splendid brass bands . . . Oh! who would not be a soldier. I would sell a small farm to become a soldier if I could not be one any other way.”
Cited in Soldiers Blue and Gray, Robertson: p. 52.
Details from authentic soldier’s letter:
Camp griffin Virginia Oct 26th 1861
Dear Parents tis sum cold hear now but it aint so cold as it has ben. Night before last there was the largest frost that I ever see in Brandon at this time of the year. It rains here every other day about and then it is cold .
Today is a division Review of 30 thousand men and yestaday was a Breagod ( Brigade) Drill and the day before was a General review but today I got out of it for I am on Picket Guard three miles from camp, and I can hear this very minute the Rebels Drums and guns too… they don’t say eney mor about the war hear than they do up there. If they say eney thing it is how long is it before I can fight the dam Rebbels and that is my mind to. But we will give them fights bfore long to and you will hear the guns roar up there to and they will be another Bulls run but the Bulls will run the other way… Tell mother not to fret about me for I am as safe as a mouse in the mill. Take all the comfort she can to… to have a dance this winter for Abe to and dance like the devil..
No more at present,
Yours John W Pitridge
Note: John W. Pitridge, U.S. Army Co. H. 5th Regiment Vermont Volunteer Infantry
March 1861
March 4 - Abraham Lincoln is inaugurated.
March 6 - The new Confederate Congress authorizes the use of 100,000 volunteer soldiers for twelve months.
March 29 - President Lincoln, after seeking counsel, decides to reinforce Ft. Sumter and not abandon it to the South.
The Civil War Gazette Civil War Timeline is a linear, chronological look at the important events related to the American Civil War, fought between April 1861 and April 1865. The timeline includes major battles and skirmishes, significant political events impacting the war, deaths of major military figures, as well as details of important battles including casualty numbers.
“If the cotton states wish to form an independent nation, they have a clear moral right to do so.”
- Horace Greeley, editorial, February 23, 1861, The New York Tribune
Five days earlier, Jefferson Davis was elected President of the Confederate States of America.
January 24, 1861
First
Second
Third
Fourth
“As an American citizen, I take great pride in my country, her prosperity annd institutions, and would defend any State if her rights were invaded. But I can anticipiate no greater calamity for the country than a dissolution of the Union. It would be an accumulation of all the evils we complain of, and I am willing to sacrifice everything but honor for its preservation.”Robert E. Lee, January 23, 1861 (in a letter to his son Custis)
When Lee wrote this, six southern States had already seceded.
When Lee wrote this, six southern States had already seceded.
January 9, 1861 - The unarmed vessel, Star of the West, arrives to reinforce the Federal garrison of soldiers at Ft. Sumter in Charleston harbor and is fired upon by southerners. The reinforcements are never delivered.
The January 26, 1861 edition of Harper’s Weekly featured the following illustration, showing the First Shot of the Civil War. The first shot was fired on January 10, 1861. It was fired by the South Carolinians on Morris Island. They fired on the Union Ship “Star of the West” as it attempted to reinforce Major Anderson at Fort Sumter.
Harper’s Weekly, January 26, 1861
THE FIRING ON THE ” STAR OF THE WEST.”
WE publish on page 52 a fine illustration of the firing on the Star of the West from the Morris Island Battery, Harbor of Charleston, on 10th January, 1861. The event was mentioned in our last Number ; and it is only necessary to say here that she was on her way to Fort Sumter with men and supplies for the reinforcement of Major Anderson. The captain of the Star of the West, by name M’Gowan, gives the following account of the event:
“When we arrived about two miles from Fort Moultrie —fort Sumter being about the same distance—a masked battery on Morris Island, where there was a red Palmetto flag flying, opened fire upon us—distance, about five-eighths of a mile. We had the American flag flying at our flag-staff at the time, and, soon after the first shot, hoisted a large American ensign at the fore. We continued on under the fire of the battery for over ten minutes, several of the shots going clean over us. One passed just clear of the pilot-house. Another passed between the smoke-stack and walking-beams of the engine. Another struck the ship just abaft the fore-rigging, and stove in the planking; and another came within an ace of carrying away the rudder. At the same time there was a movement of two steamers from near Fort Moultrie—one of them towing a schooner (I presume an armed schooner) —with the intention of cutting us off. Our position now became rather critical, as we had to approach Fort Moultrie to within three-fourths of a mile before we could keep away for Fort Sumter. A steamer approaching us with an armed schooner in tow, and the battery on the Island firing at us all the time, and having no cannon to defend ourselves from the attack of the vessels, we concluded that, to avoid certain capture or destruction, we would endeavor to get to sea. Consequently, we wore round and steamed down the channel, the battery firing upon us until their shot fell short.”
A reporter of the Evening Post, who was on board, thus describes the scene:
” On we go; the soldiers are below with loaded muskets, and the officers are ready to give the word if there is anything to do. Now it is broad daylight, and we are making directly into the guns of Fort Moultrie, whose black walls are distinctly visible. The little steamer at our right is burning a signal light aft, and is making all possible head-way up the harbor. Now we discover a red Palmetto flag at our left on Morris Island, a little village called Cummings Point, and apparently but little more than a mile from Fort Sumter.
” ‘Is it possible that those fellows have got a battery off here?’ asks one.
” No,’ answers another, ‘ there is no battery there.’
“But there is. It is now a quarter past seven, and we are about two miles from Forts Sumter and Moultrie, which are equidistant from us, and, suddenly, whiz-z! comes a richochet shot from Morris Island. It plunges into the water and skips along, but falls short of our steamer. The line was forward of our bow, and was, of course, an invitation to stop. But we are not ready to accept the proffered hospitality, and the captain pays no attention to it, except to run up the stars and stripes at the mast-head—a garrison flag which was on board. A moment of anxious suspense, and bang! goes a heavy cannon from the same masked battery. The shot falls short of us a hundred yards or more, and bounds clean over our vessel aft, nearly on a line with the head of a sailor, but luckily a little above it.
” On we go, and—whizz ! again goes the smaller gun first fired, and another richochet shot skips along the water and falls short of us.
“‘ Booh !’ exclaims the captain ; ‘ you must give us bigger guns than that, boys, or you can not hurt us.’
“On we go, without heeding the compliments of our Charleston friends. Another moment and bang! again goes the heavy gun. The ball now strikes our ship in the fore chains, about two feet above the water. A seaman was holding the lead to take the soundings, and the ball struck directly under his feet. It is not surprising that, under the circumstances, Jack was strongly inclined to take to his heels, and he begins to scramble up with might and main, when the captain assures him that there is no danger, one ball having struck so near him; on the principle, I suppose, that lightning never strikes twice in the same place. Jack, reassured, patiently takes his place and drops the lead again.
“The ball, fortunately, was too far spent to go through the side of our vessel, although it left an honorable scar.
The battery continues to play upon us, and a huge ball comes clean over us, near the wheel-house. We are not yet within range of the guns of Fort Moultrie, and yonder is a cutter in tow of a steamboat, preparing to open fire upon us. A moment longer, and we shall be in range of these three batteries. The gunners on Morris Island are growing confident; if they get the right range they will send a shot through our side, scattering death and destruction. Moultrie, directly in front, will bring her heavy guns to bear, and will drive their deadly missiles into our bow, while the cutter will open on our right.
” Why does not Major Anderson open fire upon that battery and save us? We look in vain for help; the American flag flies from Fort Sumter, and the American flag at our bow and stern is fired upon, yet there is not the slightest recognition of our presence from the fort from which we look for protection. The unexpected battery on Morris Island has cut off all hope of escape by running the vessel aground near Sumter and taking to the boats. Is it possible that Fort Sumter has been taken by the South Carolinians? If it has not, why does not Major Anderson show that he will protect us, or at least recognize us in some way ? To go within range of the guns of Fort Moultrie is to expose vessel, men, and stores to almost instant destruction, or to capture by the enemy.
“‘ Helm out of port!’ shouts the Captain, and the Star of the West is turned about without any great loss of time, as you may well imagine. We turn without accident, and steam away, with the stars and stripes still floating, and the battery still playing upon us by way of a parting salute.”
A person who was on Morris Island at the time of the firing thus describes the excitement:
“The shots were fired by the Citadel Cadets, under command of Major Stephens, who has thus had the honor, which he so much coveted, of opening the impending conflict. Major Stephens is at the head of the State Military Academy, which occupies the Charleston Citadel. He is apparently about thirty-five years of age, with rather thin black hair, black and heavy beard, and large black eyes. He is about the medium size, of lithe form, with quick, nervous motions. His guns were directed at the steamer with scientific accuracy, and even the shot which failed to strike the ship fell very near her. Her flag was pulled down, and she immediately retreated. She was struck certainly three times, and perhaps five. The last shot which took effect was fired after she had turned to go out. The steamer was seen to shoot forward with a jerk the instant this shot struck her. Two balls were seen to strike her hull; one just forward of her wheel-house, the other upon the larboard quarter.”
Bivouac on a Mountain side
Walt Whitman (1819-1892)
Walt Whitman (1819-1892)
I see before me now a traveling army halting,
Below a fertile valley spread,
with barns and the orchards of summer,
Behind, the terraced sides of a mountain,
abrupt, in places rising high,
Broken, with rocks, with clinging cedars,
with tall shapes dingily seen,
The numerous camp-fires scatter’d near and far, some away up on the mountain,
The shadowy forms of men and horses,
looming, large-sized, flickering,
And over all the sky — the sky! far, far out of reach, studded, breaking out, the eternal Stars
I have just heard of the terrific fire which was at last accounts desolating Charleston. This is indeed a terrible blow to us, the course of the fire has been through the heart of the city. I presume we owe the disaster to Yankee sympathizers in our midst. I cannot but wish that I may one day see Washington and Philadelphia retributively laid in ashes. The extent of the fire is yet unknown to us and I hope that it has been exaggerated. We hear that the Charleston Hotel, the Mills House, The Circular Church Cathedral, St. Andrews & the Institute Halls are among the buildings destroyed.
Camp Camden Dec. 14 (ca. 1861)
The early war letters of Charles Furman
http://batsonsm.tripod.com/letters/letters9.html
Camp Anderson
Jefferson County, Kentucky
December 12th, 1861
Dear Wife,
I take my pen in hand to write you a few lines. I am not very well and have not been well since I left home. I have enlisted and been sworn in. I have the promise of an office of some kind as soon as the regiment is organized. We have not been mustered into the United States service yet but we expect to be today or tomorrow and as soon as we are mustered in we will get our horses and uniforms. The boys from our neighborhood are all well but they are dissatisfied about not getting their uniforms sooner. Tell father to do the best he can with my corn. I have not rec’d any money yet but will get some in a few days and I will either bring or send you some. I want to come home if I can as soon as we get some money. You must do the best you can and take care of the children and if any of you get sick let me know it immediately. If I do not come home before next Thursday write and let me know how you are all getting along. This is a big day with us as one Captain is to be married today and two other officers are to fight a duel today. There is five artillery companies camped in sight of us having about forty cannon. They are firing with their cannon every day. When you write direct your letter to Camp Anderson Jefferson County Ky care of I. O. Donnell. So nothing more at present but remaining your affectionate husband until death.
A. A. Harrison
P. S. Tell Martha, Jo is well
*********
Absolom A. Harrison
Company D, 4th Regiment, Kentucky Calvary Volunteers (Union)
A. A. Harrison sent the following letters to his wife Susan Allstun Harrison. Susan’s grandmother was Nancy Lincoln Brumfield, Thomas Lincoln’s sister and President Abraham Lincoln’s aunt.
These letters were transcribed by A. A.’s great-grandson Ronald A. Harrison who introduces the letters with the following background:
“A. A. Harrison and his brother Jo (Joel) apparently got caught up in a recruiting drive and enlisted in the Fourth Kentucky Calvary, U.S.A., without even going home to tell their wives, Susan and Martha. The first letter appears to be letting Susan know what has become of her husband. The two brothers served honorably for roughly a year. At the end of that time A. A. was medically discharged. At roughly the same time Jo died in a military hospital in Nashville. Only recently has anyone in the family known Jo’s fate.”
Letters found on this web page January 2008.
1851
A chime of eleven bells was contributed to the Confederate military cause. They were replaced in 1976 by a group of church women who raised the money to install them in the steeple.
1861
A great fire swept from the Cooper to the Ashley River. Many members of the congregation were forced to leave their homes and seek refuge in other parts of the state.
1860-65
St. Philip’s steeple was targeted for shelling by the invading Union Army. One shell exploded in the churchyard during a Sunday service. The service was completed, but worship was moved to St. Paul’s Church on Coming Street.
More on the history of the church
Dusk at St. Philip’s
Churchyard cemetery across from main building
CAIRO [IL] CITY WEEKLY NEWS, December 5, 1861, p. 1, c. 1
(For the Cairo City Gazette.)
Army Nurses
Band of kind, unselfish women,
Who dar’st to brave the cannon’s peal,
To wound, is stern man’s sterner duty,
‘Tis thine to watch, to soothe and heal.
Shrink not tho’ some may scorn the calling,
Of benefactress of thy race;
Thy God hath formed thee for a helper,
That post of hon’r is thy place.
Thou’st left thy home, and dear home comforts
To witness carnage, blood and death
Thou’lt hear loved names in feeble whisper
Sobbed out with many a dying breath.
But there’s a might in human kindness,
A power reactive to uphold;
That takes thy strength to aid the feeble,
But gives thee back an hundred fold.
Like rays of light thy deeds of goodness,
Out-shining ever from one source;
And ever crossing cast no shadow,
Upon each other’s radiant course.
Strength equal to thy day’ll be given,
And when sweet peace regains control,
Thy deeds will shine like tints of heaven,
Around a dark and bloody scroll.
Photograph shows ruins in area adjacent to the Mills House in Charleston, South Carolina.
The Mill’s House, with adjacent ruins, stereo, George Barnard, also published by Anthony as stereo #3078, March 15-20, 1865.
*********
Harper’s Weekly account of the December 1861 great Charleston Fire
THE BURNING OF CHARLESTON.
IT matters little, in effect, whether the burning of the city of Charleston was the fruit of accident or of negro incendiarism. The rebels are sure to ascribe the disaster to the latter cause. Secret terrors are the price of despotism : in slave countries, every noise, every cry, every unusual movement of a slave, carries apprehension to the heart of his master. At the time of the John Brown affair, Governor Wise told us that Virginia matrons living miles and miles away were beside themselves with terror. We know that so terrible was the alarm created by that trumpery attempt, that down on the Gulf shore negroes whose behavior had attracted attention were imprisoned, whipped, and even shot by scores. In the language of Southern members of Congress who talked secession in those days, life was not worth having, if accompanied by the agonies which such events implanted in every Southern breast.
It is by the light of these memories that we must read the tale of the burning of Charleston. The burning of 600 houses, including every public building in the city, and property valued at $7,000,000, is an astounding event. Whatever the politicians and the papers may say, the Southern people from Norfolk to Galveston are sure to conclude that the negroes did the dread deed, and each man and woman is now quaking in terror lest his or her house should be the next to go. Nor is this opinion likely to be confined to the whites. The slaves, too, will hear of the fire, and will hear simultaneously—for we know that news does spread among the slaves, hard as their masters try to keep them in ignorance—that between eight and ten thousand slaves, till lately the overworked laborers on Carolina cotton plantations, are now free men, getting eight and ten dollars a month. It will not exceed the negro’s power of combination to connect the two events together. When he does, beware the result.
We are gradually spreading the net which is to encircle the rebellion. The occupation of Ship Island, Mississippi, by the advance-guard of General Butler’s expedition, under General Phelps, is of course the first step toward a movement upon Mobile and New Orleans. The terrors which have compelled General Lee to imprison men at Savannah and Charleston to prevent their flying to the mountains, will now be transferred to the Gulf cities, and if we hear of more fires no one must be surprised. The assassin’s dagger and the incendiary torch are the natural weapons of the slave. We should not use them, but we did not make the present situation.
In a few days, probably before the next number of this journal is printed, a fresh blow at the rebellion will be struck by General Burnside at the head of some fifteen thousand men, and very possibly General Halleck may have commenced operations on the Cumberland and Tennessee rivers. The burning of Charleston will prove a more potent ally to these generals than an additional fleet or army. It may have been, as we said, a mere accident, assisted by a high wind. But wherever our troops advance, fathers and mothers will bethink themselves with a shudder that within a month after the landing of our forces on the soil of South Carolina the chief city of that State was mysteriously burned, and thousands of people rendered houseless on a December night. The offspring of these thoughts will be surrender.
Camp Burnside, 15 November 1861“I am seated in a tent barely large enough to accomodate three persons but containing six� Yes I am here to participate in the vindication of my country’s honor to oppose armed rebels who seek the subversion of this, the only republican government that deserves the admiration of the world. We are all anxious to meet the enemy of our beautiful country and the spirit of ‘76 dwells in the bosom and strengthens the arm of all who join in the cause. In my God is my firm reliance and should I suddenly be ushered into the unknown world while fighting beneath the Stars and Stripes, I trust all will be well� I am healthier than ever before it seems to me. Our rations have along back consisted of two crackers, a small piece of meat and a cup of coffee. Nice meals to grow fat on! We expect soon to go south and I doubt not but we shall see hard times within the month. Charleston is reserved for us. God is with us and there at Charleston victory awaits�”
The 51st New York saw action at Roanoke Island, Antietam, Fredericksburg, Vicksburg and the Wilderness. Willis mustered into service on 20 September 1861, reenlisted on 25 February 1864 and was discharged for wounds on 1 March 1865 at Douglas Hospital, Washington D.C. He was severely wounded at Petersburg, and had his right leg amputated as a result.
Source: Nate Sanders online auction
Unidentified Union soldier
Camp on Meridian Hill, Washington D.C.,
Nov 17 /61
letter reads in part:
”Bill Brant and all the Chathan boys are well and hearty and in fact the boys in our company with the exception of 3 that was not well when they came and they are going to be discharged and sent home soon. There is some talk of our going down to South Carolina soon but I can not tell now any thing about it for there is so much talk around camp about this thing and that so we wait until we hear it from the headquarters and that is not generally heard until the time is ready to start. I do not doubt but that we shall go down that way and perhaps soon for they do not mean to attack the enemy in their dens in Virginia right away, that is the opinion here. They are not prepared down south as they are Virginia therefore if we go below them we can come in behind their fixings. I hope this war may soon be brought to a close and peace and prosperity once more reign in our midst and we all be permitted to return to our homes in good health and strength as we now enjoy but we can not tell what may befall us but I hope we may be able to meet what ever it may be our lot to meet with our nerves calm and our hearts relying on god for support and strength and feel that we are doing our duty to god and to man and to never cause a blush of shame to come over our dear friends faces that we have left behind.”
Source: eBay, June 2007
Frank I. Willis
51st NY Vols., Co. A.
51st NY Vols., Co. A.
Willis writes to his aunt
Camp Burnside
15 November 1861
”Yes I am here to participate in the vindication of my country’s honor to oppose armed rebels who seek the subversion of this, the only republican government that deserves the admiration of the world. We are all anxious to meet the enemy of our beautiful country and the spirit of ‘76 dwells in the bosom and strengthens the arm of all who join in the cause. In my God is my firm reliance and should I suddenly be ushered into the unknown world while fighting beneath the Stars and Stripes, I trust all will be well.
I am healthier than ever before it seems to me. Our rations have along back consisted of two crackers, a small piece of meat and a cup of coffee. Nice meals to grow fat on! We expect soon to go south and I doubt not but we shall see hard times within the month. Charleston is reserved for us. God is with us and there at Charleston victory awaits us?”
Source: eBay, June 2007
Notes:
Residence was not listed; 21 years old.
Enlisted on 9/13/1861 at New York City, NY as a Corporal.
On 9/20/1861 he mustered into “A” Co. NY 51st Infantry
He Re-enlisted on 2/25/1864
He was discharged for wounds on 3/1/1865 at Hospital, Washington, DC
(Douglas Hospital)
He was listed as:
* Wounded 7/30/1864 Petersburg, VA (Severely wounded in right leg, amputated)
Promotions:
* Sergt 8/30/1863
* 2nd Lieut 3/19/1864 (Not Mustered)
51st history
The 51st regiment contained six companies of the Shepard Rifles, two companies of the Scott Rifles and two companies of the Union Rifles and was organized in New York city, where it was mustered into the service of the United States July 27 to Oct. 23, 1861, for a three years’ term.
It left the state for Washington on Oct. 31, with 850 members, was assigned to the 2nd brigade, 2nd division, Gen. Burnside’s North Carolina expedition, and embarked at Annapolis Jan. 6, 1862, for Roanoke island. The first active service of the regiment was at Roanoke island, where it fought with courage and steadiness.
Charles S. Ramsay of the 44th Ohio Infantry Band
In part………
Camp Piatt Nov 3rd, 1861
letter reads in part:
How I should like to be at home with you today and attend church. I have attended the meetings in camp but I do not like our chaplain. He cannot preach. There are nine of us sitting in this tent some reading others writing. some signing, others talking.
Notes:
The 44th Ohio Infantry served primarily in Kentucky, Tennessee and West Virginia.
Charles S. Ramsay mustered into service on 8 October 1861 and mustered out on 8 October 1862 at Covington, Kentucky.
Confederate Military History, Vol. 5
CHAPTER II.
AFFAIRS ON THE COAST–LOSS OF PORT ROYAL HARBOROn the first day of November, the governor received the following dispatch from the acting secretary of war: “I have just received information which I consider entirely reliable, that the enemy’s expedition is intended for Port Royal.” Governor Pickens answered: “Please telegraph General Anderson at Wilmington, and General Lawton at Savannah, to send what forces they can spare, as the difficulty with us is as to arms.” Ripley replied, “Will act at once. A fine, strong, southeast gale blowing, which will keep him off for a day or so.” The fleet sailed from Hampton Roads on the 29th of October, and on the 4th of November the leading vessels that had withstood the gale appeared off Port Royal harbor. The storm had wrecked several of the transports, and the whole fleet suffered and was delayed until the 7th, before Admiral DuPont was ready to move in to the attack of the forts defending this great harbor.
CHAPTER II.
AFFAIRS ON THE COAST–LOSS OF PORT ROYAL HARBOROn the first day of November, the governor received the following dispatch from the acting secretary of war: “I have just received information which I consider entirely reliable, that the enemy’s expedition is intended for Port Royal.” Governor Pickens answered: “Please telegraph General Anderson at Wilmington, and General Lawton at Savannah, to send what forces they can spare, as the difficulty with us is as to arms.” Ripley replied, “Will act at once. A fine, strong, southeast gale blowing, which will keep him off for a day or so.” The fleet sailed from Hampton Roads on the 29th of October, and on the 4th of November the leading vessels that had withstood the gale appeared off Port Royal harbor. The storm had wrecked several of the transports, and the whole fleet suffered and was delayed until the 7th, before Admiral DuPont was ready to move in to the attack of the forts defending this great harbor.
Port Royal harbor was defended by two forts, Walker and Beauregard, the former on Hilton Head island, and the latter on Bay point opposite. The distance across the harbor, from fort to fort, is nearly 3 miles, the harbor ample and deep, and the water on the bar allowing the largest vessels to enter without risk. A fleet of 100 sail could maneuver between Forts Walker and Beauregard and keep out of range of all but their heaviest guns. To defend such a point required guns of the longest range and the heaviest weight of metal.
In planning the defense of Port Royal, General Beauregard designed that batteries of 10-inch columbiads and rifled guns should be placed on the water fronts of both forts, and so directed; but the guns were not to be had, and the engineers, Maj. Francis D. Lee and Capt. J. W. Gregory, were obliged to mount the batteries of the forts with such guns as the Confederate government and the governor of South Carolina could command. The forts were admirably planned and built, the planters in the vicinity of the forts supplying all the labor necessary, so that by September 1, 1861, they were ready for the guns.
Fort Walker mounted twenty guns and Fort Beauregard nineteen, but of this armament Walker could use but thirteen, and Beauregard but seven against a fleet attacking from the front. The rest of the guns were placed for defense against attack by land, or were too light to be of any use. The twenty guns of Walker and Beauregard that were used in the battle with the fleet, were wholly insufficient, both in weight of metal and number. The heaviest of the guns in Walker were two columbiads, 10-inch and 8-inch, and a 9-inch rifled Dahlgren. The rest of the thirteen were 42, 32 and 24 pounders. Of the seven guns in Beauregard, one was a 10-inch columbiad, and one a 24-pounder, rifled. The rest were 42 and 32 pounders; one of the latter fired hot shot.
Col. William C. Heyward, Eleventh South Carolina volunteers, commanded at Fort Walker, and Col. R. G. M. Dunovant, of the Twelfth, commanded at Fort Beauregard. The guns at Walker were manned by Companies A and B, of the German Flying Artillery, Capts. D. Werner and H. Harms; Company C, Eleventh volunteers, Capt. Josiah Bedon, and detachments from the Eleventh under Capt. D. S. Canaday. Maj. Arthur M. Huger, of the Charleston artillery battalion, was in command of the front batteries, and of the whole fort after Col. John A. Wagener was disabled. The guns in Fort Beauregard were manned by the Beaufort artillery; Company A, Eleventh volunteers, Capt. Stephen Elliott, and Company D, Eleventh volunteers, Capt. J. J. Harrison; Captain Elliott directing the firing. The infantry support at Walker was composed of three companies of the Eleventh and four companies of the Twelfth, and a company of mounted men under Capt. I. H. Screven. The fighting force of Fort Walker then, on the morning of the 7th of November, preparing to cope with the great fleet about to attack, was represented by thirteen guns, manned and supported by 622 men. The infantry support at Fort Beauregard was composed of six companies of the Twelfth, the whole force at Beauregard, under Colonel Dunovant, amounting to 640 men and seven guns.
Brig.-Gen. Thomas F. Drayton, with headquarters at Beaufort, commanded the defenses at Port Royal harbor and vicinity. He removed his headquarters to Hilton Head on the 5th, and pushed forward every preparation in his power for the impending battle. The remote position of Fort Beauregard and the interposition of the fleet, lying just out of range, made it impossible to reinforce that point. An attempt made early on the morning of the 7th, supported by the gallant Commodore Tattnall, <cmh5_33>was prevented by the actual intervention of the leading battleships of the enemy. Fort Walker, however, received just before the engagement, a reinforcement of the Fifteenth volunteers, Colonel DeSaussure, 650 strong; Captain Read’s battery of two 12-pounder howitzers, 50 men and 450 Georgia infantry, under Capt. T. J. Berry.
The morning of the 7th of November was a still, clear, beautiful morning, “not a ripple,” wrote General Drayton, “upon the broad expanse of water to disturb the accuracy of fire from the broad decks of that magnificent armada, about advancing in battle array.” The attack came about 9 o’clock, nineteen of the battleships moving up and following each other in close order, firing upon Fort Beauregard as they passed, then turning to the left and south, passing in range of Walker, and pouring broadside after broadside into that fort. Captain Elliott reports: “This circuit was performed three times, after which they remained out of reach of any except our heaviest guns.” From this position the heavy metal and long range guns of nineteen batteries poured forth a ceaseless bombardment of both Beauregard and Walker, but paying most attention to the latter.
Both forts replied with determination, the gunners standing faithfully to their guns, but the vastly superior weight of metal and the number of the Federal batteries, and the distance of their positions from the forts (never less than 2,500 yards from Beauregard and 2,000 from Walker), made the contest hopeless for the Confederates almost from the first shot. Shortly after the engagement began, several of the largest vessels took flanking positions out of reach of the 32-pounder guns in Walker, and raked the parapet of that fort. “So soon as these positions had been established,” reported Major Huger, “the fort was fought simply as a point of honor, for from that moment we were defeated.” This flank fire, with the incessant direct discharge of the fleet’s heavy batteries, So 5 <cmh5_34>dismounted or disabled most of Fort Walker’s guns. The 10-inch columbiad was disabled early in the action; the shells for the rifled guns were too large to be used, and the ammunition for all but the 32-pounders exhausted, when, after four hours of hard fighting, Colonel Heyward ordered that two guns should be served slowly, while the sick and wounded were removed from the fort; that accomplished, the fort to be abandoned. Thus terminated the fight at Port Walker.
At Port Beauregard, the battle went more fortunately for the Confederates. A caisson was exploded by the fire of the fleet, and the rifled 24-pounder burst, and several men and officers were wounded by these events, but none of the guns were dismounted, and Captain Elliott only ceased firing when Walker was abandoned. In his report, he says: “Our fire was directed almost exclusively at the larger vessels. They Were seen to be struck repeatedly, but the distance, never less than 2,500 yards, prevented our ascertaining the extent of injury.” General Drayton successfully conducted his retreat from Hilton Head, and Colonel Dunovant from Bay point, all the troops being safely concentrated on the main behind Beaufort.
The taking of Port Royal harbor on the 7th of November, 1861, gave the navy of the United States a safe and ample anchorage, while the numerous and rich islands surrounding it afforded absolutely safe and comfortable camping grounds for the army of Gen. T. W. Sherman, who was specially in charge of this expedition. The effect of this Union victory was to give the fleet and army of the United States a permanent and abundant base of operations against the whole coast of South Carolina, and against either Charleston or Savannah, as the Federal authorities might elect; but its worst result was the immediate abandonment of the whole sea-island country around Beaufort, the houses and estates of the planters being left to pillage and ruin, and thousands of negro slaves falling into the hands of the enemy. General Sherman wrote to his government, from Hilton Head, that the effect of his victory was startling. Every white inhabitant had left the islands of Hilton Head, St. Helena, Ladies, and Port Royal, and the beautiful estates of the planters were at the mercy of hordes of negroes.
The loss of the forts had demonstrated the power of the Federal fleet, and the impossibility of defending the island coast with the guns which the State and the Confederacy could furnish. The 32 and 42 pounders were no match for the 11-inch batteries of the fleet, and gunboats of light draught, carrying such heavy guns, could enter the numerous rivers and creeks and cut off forts or batteries at exposed points, while larger vessels attacked them, as at Port Royal, in front. It was evident that the rich islands of the coast were at the mercy of the Federal fleet, whose numerous gunboats and armed steamers, unopposed by forts or batteries, could cover the landing of troops at any point or on any island selected.
On the capture of Port Royal, it was uncertain, of course, what General Sherman’s plans would be, or what force he had with which to move on the railroad between Charleston and Savannah. The fleet was ample for all aggressive purposes along the coast, but it was not known at the time that the army numbered less than 15,000 men, all told. But it was well known how easily a landing could be effected within a few miles of the railroad bridges crossing the three upper branches of the Broad river, the Coosawhatchie, Tulifinny and Pocotaligo, and the rivers nearer to Charleston, the Combahee, Ashepoo and Edisto. Bluffton, easily reached by gunboats, afforded a good landing and base for operations against the railroad at Hardeeville, only 4 miles from the Savannah river, and 15 from the city of Savannah. On this account, General Ripley, assisted by the planters, caused the upper branches of the Broad, and the other rivers toward Charleston to be obstructed, and meanwhile stationed the troops at his command at points covering the landing.
General Drayton, with a part of Martin’s regiment of cavalry, under Lieutenant-Colonel Colcock, and Heyward’s and De Saussure’s regiments, was watching Bluffton and the roads to Hendersonville. Clingman’s and Radcliffe’s North Carolina regiments, with artillery under Col. A. J. Gonzales, Captain Trezevant’s company of cavalry, and the Charleston Light Dragoons and the Rutledge Riflemen, were stationed in front of Grahamville, to watch the landings from the Broad. Colonel Edwards’ regiment and Moore’s light battery were at Coosawhatchie, Colonel Dunovant’s at Pocotaligo, and Colonel Jones’, with Tripp’s company of cavalry, in front of the important landing at Port Royal ferry. Colonel Martin, with part of his regiment of cavalry, was in observation at the landings on Combahee, Ashepoo and Edisto rivers. The idea of this disposition, made by Ripley immediately upon the fall of Forts Walker and Beauregard, was to guard the railroad bridges, and keep the troops in hand to be moved for concentration in case any definite point was attacked.
On the 8th of November, the day after Port Royal was taken,. Gen. Robert E. Lee took command of the department of South Carolina and Georgia, by order of the President of the Confederacy. It was evident to him that the mouths of the rivers and the sea islands, except those immediately surrounding the harbor of Charleston, could not be defended with the guns and troops at his command, and, disappointing and distressing as such a view was to the governor and especially to the island planters, whose homes and estates must be abandoned and ruined, General Lee prepared for the inevitable. He wrote to General Ripley, in Charleston, to review the whole subject and suggest what changes should be made.
“I am in favor,” he wrote, “of abandoning all exposed points as far as possible within reach of the enemy’s fleet of gunboats, and of taking interior positions, where all can meet on more equal terms. All our resources should be applied to those positions.” Subsequently the gov-ernrnent at Richmond ordered General Lee, by telegraph, to withdraw all his forces from the islands to the mainland. When the order was carried out, it was done at a terrible sacrifice, to which the planters and citizens yielded in patient and noble submission, turning their backs upon their homes and their property with self-sacrificing devotion to the cause of Southern independence. Never were men and women subjected to a greater test of the depth and strength of their sentiments, or put to a severer trial of their patriotism, than were the planters and their families, who abandoned their houses and estates along the coast of South Carolina, and retired as refugees into the interior, all the men who were able entering the army.
At the time of the fall of Forts Walker and Beauregard, Charleston harbor was defended by Forts Moultrie and Sumter, Castle Pinckney and Fort Johnson, and by batteries on Sullivan’s and Morris islands. All these were to be strengthened, and the harbor made secure against any attack in front. To prevent the occupation of James island, the mouth of Stono river was defended by forts built on Cole’s and Battery islands, and a line of defensive works built across the island. No attempt had been made to erect forts or batteries in defense of the inlets of Worth or South Edisto, but the harbor of Georgetown was protected by works unfinished on Cat and South islands, for twenty guns, the heaviest of which were 32-pounders.
When General Lee took command, November 8th, he established his headquarters at Coosawhatchie, and divided the line of defense into five military districts, from east to west, as follows: The First, from the North Carolina line to the South Santee, under Col. A.M. Manigault, Tenth volunteers, with headquarters at Georgetown; the Second, from the South Santee to the Stono, under Gen. R. S. Ripley, with headquarters at Charleston; the Third, from the Stono to the Ashepoo, under Gen. N. G. Evans, with headquarters at Adams’ run; the Fourth, from Ashepoo to Port Royal entrance, under Gen. J. C. Pemberton, with headquarters at Coosaw-hatchie; the Fifth, the remainder of the line to the Savannah river, under Gen. T. F. Drayton, with headquarters at Hardeeville.
Confederate Military History, Vol. 5
CHAPTER II.
AFFAIRS ON THE COAST–LOSS OF PORT ROYAL HARBOR
CHAPTER II.
AFFAIRS ON THE COAST–LOSS OF PORT ROYAL HARBOR
On the first day of November, the governor received the following dispatch from the acting secretary of war: “I have just received information which I consider entirely reliable, that the enemy’s expedition is intended for Port Royal.” Governor Pickens answered: “Please telegraph General Anderson at Wilmington, and General Lawton at Savannah, to send what forces they can spare, as the difficulty with us is as to arms.” Ripley replied, “Will act at once. A fine, strong, southeast gale blowing, which will keep him off for a day or so.” The fleet sailed from Hampton Roads on the 29th of October, and on the 4th of November the leading vessels that had withstood the gale appeared off Port Royal harbor. The storm had wrecked several of the transports, and the whole fleet suffered and was delayed until the 7th, before Admiral DuPont was ready to move in to the attack of the forts defending this great harbor.
Port Royal harbor was defended by two forts, Walker and Beauregard, the former on Hilton Head island, and the latter on Bay point opposite. The distance across the harbor, from fort to fort, is nearly 3 miles, the harbor ample and deep, and the water on the bar allowing the largest vessels to enter without risk. A fleet of 100 sail could maneuver between Forts Walker and Beauregard and keep out of range of all but their heaviest guns. To defend such a point required guns of the longest range and the heaviest weight of metal.
In planning the defense of Port Royal, General Beauregard designed that batteries of 10-inch columbiads and rifled guns should be placed on the water fronts of both forts, and so directed; but the guns were not to be had, and the engineers, Maj. Francis D. Lee and Capt. J. W. Gregory, were obliged to mount the batteries of the forts with such guns as the Confederate government and the governor of South Carolina could command. The forts were admirably planned and built, the planters in the vicinity of the forts supplying all the labor necessary, so that by September 1, 1861, they were ready for the guns.
Fort Walker mounted twenty guns and Fort Beauregard nineteen, but of this armament Walker could use but thirteen, and Beauregard but seven against a fleet attacking from the front. The rest of the guns were placed for defense against attack by land, or were too light to be of any use. The twenty guns of Walker and Beauregard that were used in the battle with the fleet, were wholly insufficient, both in weight of metal and number. The heaviest of the guns in Walker were two columbiads, 10-inch and 8-inch, and a 9-inch rifled Dahlgren. The rest of the thirteen were 42, 32 and 24 pounders. Of the seven guns in Beauregard, one was a 10-inch columbiad, and one a 24-pounder, rifled. The rest were 42 and 32 pounders; one of the latter fired hot shot.
Col. William C. Heyward, Eleventh South Carolina volunteers, commanded at Fort Walker, and Col. R. G. M. Dunovant, of the Twelfth, commanded at Fort Beauregard. The guns at Walker were manned by Companies A and B, of the German Flying Artillery, Capts. D. Werner and H. Harms; Company C, Eleventh volunteers, Capt. Josiah Bedon, and detachments from the Eleventh under Capt. D. S. Canaday. Maj. Arthur M. Huger, of the Charleston artillery battalion, was in command of the front batteries, and of the whole fort after Col. John A. Wagener was disabled. The guns in Fort Beauregard were manned by the Beaufort artillery; Company A, Eleventh volunteers, Capt. Stephen Elliott, and Company D, Eleventh volunteers, Capt. J. J. Harrison; Captain Elliott directing the firing. The infantry support at Walker was composed of three companies of the Eleventh and four companies of the Twelfth, and a company of mounted men under Capt. I. H. Screven. The fighting force of Fort Walker then, on the morning of the 7th of November, preparing to cope with the great fleet about to attack, was represented by thirteen guns, manned and supported by 622 men. The infantry support at Fort Beauregard was composed of six companies of the Twelfth, the whole force at Beauregard, under Colonel Dunovant, amounting to 640 men and seven guns.
Brig.-Gen. Thomas F. Drayton, with headquarters at Beaufort, commanded the defenses at Port Royal harbor and vicinity. He removed his headquarters to Hilton Head on the 5th, and pushed forward every preparation in his power for the impending battle. The remote position of Fort Beauregard and the interposition of the fleet, lying just out of range, made it impossible to reinforce that point. An attempt made early on the morning of the 7th, supported by the gallant Commodore Tattnall, <cmh5_33>was prevented by the actual intervention of the leading battleships of the enemy. Fort Walker, however, received just before the engagement, a reinforcement of the Fifteenth volunteers, Colonel DeSaussure, 650 strong; Captain Read’s battery of two 12-pounder howitzers, 50 men and 450 Georgia infantry, under Capt. T. J. Berry.
The morning of the 7th of November was a still, clear, beautiful morning, “not a ripple,” wrote General Drayton, “upon the broad expanse of water to disturb the accuracy of fire from the broad decks of that magnificent armada, about advancing in battle array.” The attack came about 9 o’clock, nineteen of the battleships moving up and following each other in close order, firing upon Fort Beauregard as they passed, then turning to the left and south, passing in range of Walker, and pouring broadside after broadside into that fort. Captain Elliott reports: “This circuit was performed three times, after which they remained out of reach of any except our heaviest guns.” From this position the heavy metal and long range guns of nineteen batteries poured forth a ceaseless bombardment of both Beauregard and Walker, but paying most attention to the latter.
Both forts replied with determination, the gunners standing faithfully to their guns, but the vastly superior weight of metal and the number of the Federal batteries, and the distance of their positions from the forts (never less than 2,500 yards from Beauregard and 2,000 from Walker), made the contest hopeless for the Confederates almost from the first shot. Shortly after the engagement began, several of the largest vessels took flanking positions out of reach of the 32-pounder guns in Walker, and raked the parapet of that fort. “So soon as these positions had been established,” reported Major Huger, “the fort was fought simply as a point of honor, for from that moment we were defeated.” This flank fire, with the incessant direct discharge of the fleet’s heavy batteries, So 5 <cmh5_34>dismounted or disabled most of Fort Walker’s guns. The 10-inch columbiad was disabled early in the action; the shells for the rifled guns were too large to be used, and the ammunition for all but the 32-pounders exhausted, when, after four hours of hard fighting, Colonel Heyward ordered that two guns should be served slowly, while the sick and wounded were removed from the fort; that accomplished, the fort to be abandoned. Thus terminated the fight at Port Walker.
At Port Beauregard, the battle went more fortunately for the Confederates. A caisson was exploded by the fire of the fleet, and the rifled 24-pounder burst, and several men and officers were wounded by these events, but none of the guns were dismounted, and Captain Elliott only ceased firing when Walker was abandoned. In his report, he says: “Our fire was directed almost exclusively at the larger vessels. They Were seen to be struck repeatedly, but the distance, never less than 2,500 yards, prevented our ascertaining the extent of injury.” General Drayton successfully conducted his retreat from Hilton Head, and Colonel Dunovant from Bay point, all the troops being safely concentrated on the main behind Beaufort.
The taking of Port Royal harbor on the 7th of November, 1861, gave the navy of the United States a safe and ample anchorage, while the numerous and rich islands surrounding it afforded absolutely safe and comfortable camping grounds for the army of Gen. T. W. Sherman, who was specially in charge of this expedition. The effect of this Union victory was to give the fleet and army of the United States a permanent and abundant base of operations against the whole coast of South Carolina, and against either Charleston or Savannah, as the Federal authorities might elect; but its worst result was the immediate abandonment of the whole sea-island country around Beaufort, the houses and estates of the planters being left to pillage and ruin, and thousands of negro slaves falling into the hands of the enemy. General Sherman wrote to his government, from Hilton Head, that the effect of his victory was startling. Every white inhabitant had left the islands of Hilton Head, St. Helena, Ladies, and Port Royal, and the beautiful estates of the planters were at the mercy of hordes of negroes.
The loss of the forts had demonstrated the power of the Federal fleet, and the impossibility of defending the island coast with the guns which the State and the Confederacy could furnish. The 32 and 42 pounders were no match for the 11-inch batteries of the fleet, and gunboats of light draught, carrying such heavy guns, could enter the numerous rivers and creeks and cut off forts or batteries at exposed points, while larger vessels attacked them, as at Port Royal, in front. It was evident that the rich islands of the coast were at the mercy of the Federal fleet, whose numerous gunboats and armed steamers, unopposed by forts or batteries, could cover the landing of troops at any point or on any island selected.
On the capture of Port Royal, it was uncertain, of course, what General Sherman’s plans would be, or what force he had with which to move on the railroad between Charleston and Savannah. The fleet was ample for all aggressive purposes along the coast, but it was not known at the time that the army numbered less than 15,000 men, all told. But it was well known how easily a landing could be effected within a few miles of the railroad bridges crossing the three upper branches of the Broad river, the Coosawhatchie, Tulifinny and Pocotaligo, and the rivers nearer to Charleston, the Combahee, Ashepoo and Edisto. Bluffton, easily reached by gunboats, afforded a good landing and base for operations against the railroad at Hardeeville, only 4 miles from the Savannah river, and 15 from the city of Savannah. On this account, General Ripley, assisted by the planters, caused the upper branches of the Broad, and the other rivers toward Charleston to be obstructed, and meanwhile stationed the troops at his command at points covering the landing.
General Drayton, with a part of Martin’s regiment of cavalry, under Lieutenant-Colonel Colcock, and Heyward’s and De Saussure’s regiments, was watching Bluffton and the roads to Hendersonville. Clingman’s and Radcliffe’s North Carolina regiments, with artillery under Col. A. J. Gonzales, Captain Trezevant’s company of cavalry, and the Charleston Light Dragoons and the Rutledge Riflemen, were stationed in front of Grahamville, to watch the landings from the Broad. Colonel Edwards’ regiment and Moore’s light battery were at Coosawhatchie, Colonel Dunovant’s at Pocotaligo, and Colonel Jones’, with Tripp’s company of cavalry, in front of the important landing at Port Royal ferry. Colonel Martin, with part of his regiment of cavalry, was in observation at the landings on Combahee, Ashepoo and Edisto rivers. The idea of this disposition, made by Ripley immediately upon the fall of Forts Walker and Beauregard, was to guard the railroad bridges, and keep the troops in hand to be moved for concentration in case any definite point was attacked.
On the 8th of November, the day after Port Royal was taken,. Gen. Robert E. Lee took command of the department of South Carolina and Georgia, by order of the President of the Confederacy. It was evident to him that the mouths of the rivers and the sea islands, except those immediately surrounding the harbor of Charleston, could not be defended with the guns and troops at his command, and, disappointing and distressing as such a view was to the governor and especially to the island planters, whose homes and estates must be abandoned and ruined, General Lee prepared for the inevitable. He wrote to General Ripley, in Charleston, to review the whole subject and suggest what changes should be made.
“I am in favor,” he wrote, “of abandoning all exposed points as far as possible within reach of the enemy’s fleet of gunboats, and of taking interior positions, where all can meet on more equal terms. All our resources should be applied to those positions.” Subsequently the gov-ernrnent at Richmond ordered General Lee, by telegraph, to withdraw all his forces from the islands to the mainland. When the order was carried out, it was done at a terrible sacrifice, to which the planters and citizens yielded in patient and noble submission, turning their backs upon their homes and their property with self-sacrificing devotion to the cause of Southern independence. Never were men and women subjected to a greater test of the depth and strength of their sentiments, or put to a severer trial of their patriotism, than were the planters and their families, who abandoned their houses and estates along the coast of South Carolina, and retired as refugees into the interior, all the men who were able entering the army.
At the time of the fall of Forts Walker and Beauregard, Charleston harbor was defended by Forts Moultrie and Sumter, Castle Pinckney and Fort Johnson, and by batteries on Sullivan’s and Morris islands. All these were to be strengthened, and the harbor made secure against any attack in front. To prevent the occupation of James island, the mouth of Stono river was defended by forts built on Cole’s and Battery islands, and a line of defensive works built across the island. No attempt had been made to erect forts or batteries in defense of the inlets of Worth or South Edisto, but the harbor of Georgetown was protected by works unfinished on Cat and South islands, for twenty guns, the heaviest of which were 32-pounders.
When General Lee took command, November 8th, he established his headquarters at Coosawhatchie, and divided the line of defense into five military districts, from east to west, as follows: The First, from the North Carolina line to the South Santee, under Col. A.M. Manigault, Tenth volunteers, with headquarters at Georgetown; the Second, from the South Santee to the Stono, under Gen. R. S. Ripley, with headquarters at Charleston; the Third, from the Stono to the Ashepoo, under Gen. N. G. Evans, with headquarters at Adams’ run; the Fourth, from Ashepoo to Port Royal entrance, under Gen. J. C. Pemberton, with headquarters at Coosaw-hatchie; the Fifth, the remainder of the line to the Savannah river, under Gen. T. F. Drayton, with headquarters at Hardeeville.
Parades and reviews offered units a formal opportunity to display their abilities, and they usually engendered patriotism and pride. A sergeant in the 105th Illinois wrote his sister of a recent parade.
“It was a fine sight to see them all dressed in clean uniforms and bright arms marching to the music of four splendid brass bands . . . Oh! who would not be a soldier. I would sell a small farm to become a soldier if I could not be one any other way.”
Cited in Soldiers Blue and Gray, Robertson: p. 52.
Details from authentic soldier’s letter:
Camp griffin Virginia Oct 26th 1861
Dear Parents tis sum cold hear now but it aint so cold as it has ben. Night before last there was the largest frost that I ever see in Brandon at this time of the year. It rains here every other day about and then it is cold .
Today is a division Review of 30 thousand men and yestaday was a Breagod ( Brigade) Drill and the day before was a General review but today I got out of it for I am on Picket Guard three miles from camp, and I can hear this very minute the Rebels Drums and guns too… they don’t say eney mor about the war hear than they do up there. If they say eney thing it is how long is it before I can fight the dam Rebbels and that is my mind to. But we will give them fights bfore long to and you will hear the guns roar up there to and they will be another Bulls run but the Bulls will run the other way… Tell mother not to fret about me for I am as safe as a mouse in the mill. Take all the comfort she can to… to have a dance this winter for Abe to and dance like the devil..
No more at present,
Yours John W Pitridge
Note: John W. Pitridge, U.S. Army Co. H. 5th Regiment Vermont Volunteer Infantry
Stonewall Jackson handled the thought of promotion, or death, equally, as coming from the good hand of God. He wrote the following to his wife Anna.
“I am very thankfull to God who withholds no good thing from me (though) I am so utteryly unworthy and ungrateful for making me a Major General.”
- Jackson to his wife October 7th, 1861
Jackson handled the thought of promotion, or death, equally, as coming from the good hand of God. He wrote the following to his wife Anna.
“I am very thankfull to God who withholds no good thing from me (though) I am so utteryly unworthy and ungrateful for making me a Major General.”
- Jackson to his wife October 7th, 1861
Tiger Valley Virginia
Sept the 13th /61
Endicott writes shortly after a skirmish:
“were awaiting the enemy to attack them, they being camped on a creek and our boys of the 15th and the Ohio boys complained that they could not draw them into a fight so the 17th was sent out through the mountains to try our luck and about dark we arrived in the neighborhood of their pickets and camped for the night settling out all through the woods and faring as best we could. The next morning Captain Huffman sent out 12 men to drive in their pickets. They had been gone but a few minutes till we heard heavy firing, the boys all came back in about 2 hours all sound. They killed one of the rebels Wednesday when Co. ‘L’. went out and killed 5 of them and one Captain but we soon found out that it wasnt healthy to stay there any longer as they was getting round us and we had to to go double quick clear back to where those other Regt’s was entrenched through the mud and in 6 miles .we arrived at the brest works about 8 oclock and was called out in a line of battle just after dark.”
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George Endicott, from Darlington, Indiana) mustered into Company B on 12 June 1861, and was promoted to Corporal before being mustered out on 8 August 1865 at Macon, Georgia.
This regiment was organized at Camp Morton, Indianapolis, in May, 1861, and was mustered in on June 12. It left the state July 1, for Parkersburg W. Va., and on the 23rd reached Oakland, Md.
It was engaged in constructing fortifications at Camp Pendleton until Aug. 7, and was then ordered to Cheat Mountain, going into camp at Elk Water.
While in the service, Endicott and the 17th Indiana were engaged at Chickamauga, Knoxville, Kennesaw Mountain and Macon.
Source: Nate Sanders auction
The recruit — our latest acquisition — was so interesting. His nice, clean clothes, new hat, new shoes, trimming on his shirt front, letters and cross guns on his hat, new knife for all the fellows to borrow, nice comb for general use, nice little glass to shave by, good smoking tobacco, money in his pocket to lend out; oh! what a great convenience he was. How many things he had that a fellow could borrow, and how willing he was to go on guard, and get wet, and give away his rations, and bring water, and cut wood, and ride horses to water; and he was so clean and sweet, and his cheeks so rosy, all the fellows wanted to bunk with him under his nice new blanket, and impart to him some of their numerous and energetic ‘tormentors.’
And then it was so interesting to hear him talk. He knew so much about war, arms, tents, knapsacks, ammunition, marching, fighting, camping, cooking, shooting, and everything a soldier is and does. It is remarkable how much a recruit and how little an old soldier knows about such things. After a while the recruit forgets all, and is as ignorant as any veteran. How good the fellows were to a really gentlemanly boy; how they loved him!
Harper’s Weekly, September 7, 1861
Southern Historical Society Papers.
Vol. I. Richmond, Virginia., February, 1876. No. 2
Camp Fires Of The Boys In Gray.
William Thompson, of Mississippi (speaking of James Magnum) talks about the wounded at Shiloh:
I began to see men on the ground and soon realized that they were hurt. At first I couldn’t see their faces. Maybe I didn’t want to see them. The first wounded man I recognized was my Uncle Henry’s eldest son, cousin James Magnum. He had been shot in the face. I wanted to help him . . . Everyone was moving forward . . . . We just had to get at those Federals who were shooting at us.
3.8 million men (and many boys) fought during the American Civil War, from 1861 - 1865. 2.8 million fought to preserve the Union, and just over 1 million fought for the Confederacy.
For every 1,000 Federals (roughly the size of a Regiment), 112 were wounded. 150 of every 1,000 Confederates were wounded.
While a Union soldier stood a 1 in 18 chance of dying in battle, he stood a 1 in 8 chance of dying of disease. Johnny Reb stood a 1 in 5 chance of dying of disease and a 1 in 8 chance of dying in combat.
From 1861-1865 the Union had 275,000 wounded soldiers in battle. 61% were from gunshot or artillery. The South saw 125,000 total wounded. The three major U.S. wars, prior to the Civil War, only saw about 15,000 wounded men and just 8,000 total deaths. At Shiloh, on April 6-7, 1862, there were 16,000 men wounded in a 48 hour period. That is more wounded than in all three previous pre-Civil War battles combined. 3,500 men, on both sides, lost their lives at Shiloh.
These kind of casualty numbers caused an enormous strain on the medical care required for the soldiers. When the War broke out there were just 113 surgeons in the U.S. Army, by the end there would be 12,000 in the Union ranks, and an additional 3,200 in the Confederate Army.
Many men no doubt expired on the field having simply bled to death before proper care could be administered. There may have even been cases of an army bayoneting the wounded after a battle, as was recorded in Harper’s Weekly (August 17, 1861).
William Thompson, of Mississippi (speaking of James Magnum) talks about the wounded at Shiloh:
I began to see men on the ground and soon realized that they were hurt. At first I couldn’t see their faces. Maybe I didn’t want to see them. The first wounded man I recognized was my Uncle Henry’s eldest son, cousin James Magnum. He had been shot in the face. I wanted to help him . . . Everyone was moving forward . . . . We just had to get at those Federals who were shooting at us.
Care for the wounded improved greatly as the War drew on. Mortality rates for surgeries especially improved as doctors improved their understanding of the body, disease, and the application of medical procedures.
Sources: The Civil War Times, October 2004 issue.
The Forager was a good fellow. He always divided with the mess. If there was buttermilk anywhere inside of ten miles he found it. Apples he could smell from afar off. If anybody was killing pork in the county he got the spareribs. If a man had a cider cart on the road he saw him first and bought him out. No hound had a keener scent, no eagle a sharper eye. How indefatigable he was. Distance, rivers, mountains, pickets, patrols, roll calls — nothing could stop or hinder him. He never bragged about his exploits — simply brought in the spoils, laid them down and said, ‘pitch in.’ Not a word of the weary miles he had traveled, how he begged or how much he had paid — simply ‘pitch in.’
Harper’s Weekly, August 17, 1861
Southern Historical Society Papers.
Vol. I. Richmond, Virginia., February, 1876. No. 2
Camp Fires Of The Boys In Gray.
“It is not characteristic of Americans to sit down despondently after a defeat . . . Reverses, though stunning at first, by their recoil stimulate and quicken to unwonted exertion . . . Let us go to work, then, with a will.”
- The New York Tribune, July 30, 1861
The Battle of Second Manassas (Bull Run II) was a hard fought battle and Confederate victory. Jackson knew whom to give credit to for that victory. His doctor, Hunter McQuire, told him that the day had been won due to hard fighting; to which Jackson replied:
“No sir, we have won this day by the blessing of Almighty God.”
- Jackson to his doctor Hunter McQuire on July 19, 1861
Charles S. Ramsay of the 44th Ohio Infantry Band
In part………
Camp Piatt Nov 3rd, 1861
letter reads in part:
“How I should like to be at home with you today and attend church. I have attended the meetings in camp but I do not like our chaplain. He cannot preach. There are nine of us sitting in this tent some reading others writing. some signing, others talking.”
The 44th Ohio Infantry served primarily in Kentucky, Tennessee and West Virginia.
Charles S. Ramsay mustered into service on 8 October 1861 and mustered out on 8 October 1862 at Covington, Kentucky.
ALS from KIA soldier Clifford Woods of the 62nd New York Infantry, Anderson Zouaves.
Headquarters Albany / May 23rd
Year is omitted but is most likely 1861, shortly after Woods enlisted.
Excerpt:
”we have had pretty hard times our Company are the most of them discouraged and some of them have run away for my part I have found no reason to complain as long as our company holds together I shall go with them…I expected to have to endure trials and hardships although I never expected to see so much vice swearing, drinking, fighting, gambling and sensuality have no end here…our Captain has done all that he could do for us. he has put us in ahead of 51 companies that came here before us. we have been inspected and accepted into a good regiment. Our bord is very good now although when we first came here we had to live on every thing that was nasty…I have not relished a meal of victuals since I have been here. we have been found with only shirts, one pair of drawers, caps and shoes. I have not been very well for two or three days…but let come what will I shall never have the name of a deserter. I have commenced reading the testament through by course and intend to read some in it every day till I read it through’‘
The 62nd New York was engaged at Yorktown, Williamsburg, Fair Oaks, the Seven Days Battles and Gettysburg. Clifford Woods enlisted as a Private on 1 May 1861, and was mustered into Company C on 3 July 1861. He was promoted as high as Sergeant of Company E before being killed in action at the Wilderness on 6 May 1864.
Source: eBay, June 2007
Soldier’s identity:
Residence was not listed; 18 years old.
Enlisted on 5/1/1861 at New York City, NY as a Private.
On 7/3/1861 he mustered into “C” Co. NY 62nd Infantry
He was Killed on 5/6/1864 at Wilderness, VA
Promotions:
* Corpl 12/1/1861
* Sergt 1/8/1864
Intra Regimental Company Transfers:
* 8/15/1861 from company C to company E (Estimated Day)
History of the 62nd
The 62nd, “Anderson’s Zouaves,” composed mainly of members from New York City, Brooklyn, Albany, Troy and Saltersville, N. J., was organized at Saltersville and there mustered into the U. S. service June 30 and July 1, 1861, for three years. It left for Washington on Aug. 21, 1861, and in October was assigned to Peck’s brigade, Buell’s division, Army of the Potomac, which in March, 1862, became the 1st brigade, 1st division, 4th corps, Army of the Potomac, and reached the Peninsula in time to share in the operations before Yorktown, the battle of Williamsburg and the battle of Fair Oaks.
Unidentified Union soldier
Camp on Meridian Hill, Washington D.C.,
Nov 17 /61
letter reads in part:
”Bill Brant and all the Chathan boys are well and hearty and in fact the boys in our company with the exception of 3 that was not well when they came and they are going to be discharged and sent home soon. There is some talk of our going down to South Carolina soon but I can not tell now any thing about it for there is so much talk around camp about this thing and that so we wait until we hear it from the headquarters and that is not generally heard until the time is ready to start. I do not doubt but that we shall go down that way and perhaps soon for they do not mean to attack the enemy in their dens in Virginia right away, that is the opinion here. They are not prepared down south as they are Virginia therefore if we go below them we can come in behind their fixings. I hope this war may soon be brought to a close and peace and prosperity once more reign in our midst and we all be permitted to return to our homes in good health and strength as we now enjoy but we can not tell what may befall us but I hope we may be able to meet what ever it may be our lot to meet with our nerves calm and our hearts relying on god for support and strength and feel that we are doing our duty to god and to man and to never cause a blush of shame to come over our dear friends faces that we have left behind.”
Source: eBay, June 2007
Frank I. Willis
51st NY Vols., Co. A.
Willis writes to his aunt
Camp Burnside
15 November 1861
”Yes I am here to participate in the vindication of my country’s honor to oppose armed rebels who seek the subversion of this, the only republican government that deserves the admiration of the world. We are all anxious to meet the enemy of our beautiful country and the spirit of ‘76 dwells in the bosom and strengthens the arm of all who join in the cause. In my God is my firm reliance and should I suddenly be ushered into the unknown world while fighting beneath the Stars and Stripes, I trust all will be well.
I am healthier than ever before it seems to me. Our rations have along back consisted of two crackers, a small piece of meat and a cup of coffee. Nice meals to grow fat on! We expect soon to go south and I doubt not but we shall see hard times within the month. Charleston is reserved for us. God is with us and there at Charleston victory awaits us?”
Source: eBay, June 2007
Notes:
Residence was not listed; 21 years old.
Enlisted on 9/13/1861 at New York City, NY as a Corporal.
On 9/20/1861 he mustered into “A” Co. NY 51st Infantry
He Re-enlisted on 2/25/1864
He was discharged for wounds on 3/1/1865 at Hospital, Washington, DC
(Douglas Hospital)
He was listed as:
* Wounded 7/30/1864 Petersburg, VA (Severely wounded in right leg, amputated)
Promotions:
* Sergt 8/30/1863
* 2nd Lieut 3/19/1864 (Not Mustered)
51st history
The 51st regiment contained six companies of the Shepard Rifles, two companies of the Scott Rifles and two companies of the Union Rifles and was organized in New York city, where it was mustered into the service of the United States July 27 to Oct. 23, 1861, for a three years’ term.
It left the state for Washington on Oct. 31, with 850 members, was assigned to the 2nd brigade, 2nd division, Gen. Burnside’s North Carolina expedition, and embarked at Annapolis Jan. 6, 1862, for Roanoke island. The first active service of the regiment was at Roanoke island, where it fought with courage and steadiness.
Chaplain Conducting Mass for the 69th New York State Militia Encamped at Fort Corcoran- Washington, D.C., 1861
“One cannot describe his feelings during the first night under a tent - the beginning of his real soldier life. There was so much to look forward to, so much to look back upon! Thoughts of separation from home and loved ones, never, perhaps, to be seen again, occupied the mind. All the hopes and ambitions of the young soldier were crowding through the brain, and ending in the one dearest wish to go speedily to the front.”
James I. Robertson, Jr., Soldiers Blue and Gray: p. 47.
“The first thing in the morning is drill, then drill, then drill again. Then drill, drill, a little more drill. Then drill, and lastly drill. Between drills, we drill and sometimes stop to eat a little and have roll call.”- A Northern soldier
Cited in Soldiers Blue and Gray, Robertson: p. 48.
Cited in Soldiers Blue and Gray, Robertson: p. 48.
“Faith in God became the single greatest institution in the maintenance of morale in the armies. To the devout soldier, religion was the connecting link between camp life and home. As he prayed and sang hymns of praise, his thoughts could not help but wander to his home church wherein he felt a mother, a father, a wife, or a child might be uinted with him in asking for his speedy return.”
Cited in Soldiers Blue and Gray, Robertson: p. 172
KIA soldier Clifford Woods of the 62nd New York Infantry, Anderson Zouaves.
Headquarters Albany / May 23rd
Year is omitted but is most likely 1861, shortly after Woods enlisted.
Excerpt:
”We have had pretty hard times our Company are the most of them discouraged and some of them have run away for my part I have found no reason to complain as long as our company holds together I shall go with them…I expected to have to endure trials and hardships although I never expected to see so much vice swearing, drinking, fighting, gambling and sensuality have no end here…our Captain has done all that he could do for us. he has put us in ahead of 51 companies that came here before us. we have been inspected and accepted into a good regiment. Our bord is very good now although when we first came here we had to live on every thing that was nasty…I have not relished a meal of victuals since I have been here. we have been found with only shirts, one pair of drawers, caps and shoes. I have not been very well for two or three days…but let come what will I shall never have the name of a deserter. I have commenced reading the testament through by course and intend to read some in it every day till I read it through’‘
The 62nd New York was engaged at Yorktown, Williamsburg, Fair Oaks, the Seven Days Battles and Gettysburg. Clifford Woods enlisted as a Private on 1 May 1861, and was mustered into Company C on 3 July 1861. He was promoted as high as Sergeant of Company E before being killed in action at the Wilderness on 6 May 1864.
Source: